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It considers his major writings on a range of topics, from foreign policy to the psychological impulses that make war possible, and his work on behalf of conscientious objectors. He had been born into one of the leading families of the liberal and reformist political establishment. Prior to the war, Russell worked primarily in an academic context at Trinity College, Cambridge, producing - with Alfred North Whitehead - the influential Principia Mathematica , which set out to explore how mathematics could be founded on the new formal logic, and was underpinned by Russell's guiding philosophical motivation, the "quest for certainty.
Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism, first published in , is Bertrand Russell's critique of the Communist system he witnessed in the Soviet Union.
Russell, a proponent of Communist ideals, believed that the future happiness of humanity depended upon restructuring the way production and business was run. The Bolsheviks, however, pursued their goals with an iron fist ra The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism, first published in , is Bertrand Russell's critique of the Communist system he witnessed in the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks, however, pursued their goals with an iron fist rather than with a free and idealistic hope that nurtured the individual.
Russell was also staunchly opposed to the way that Bolshevism saw itself as a religion, with practices and beliefs that could brook no doubt. This, he determined, was no better than the Catholic Church, which he opposed. Anyone with an interest in Communism and the Soviet Union will find this a deeply thoughtful book.
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More filters. Sort order. Start your review of The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism. Those who followed Christ did not learn to love their enemies or to turn the other cheek. They learned instead to use the Inquisition and the stake, to subject the human intellect to the yoke of an ignorant and intolerant priesthood, to degrade art and extinguish science for a thousand years.
These were the inevitable results, not of the teaching, but of fanatical belief in the teaching. The hopes which inspire Communism are, in the main, as admirable as those instilled by the Sermon on the Mount, but they are held as fanatically, and are likely to do as much harm.
They will give credit for the positive changes they see, but will also mercilessly scrutinize your failings. They will show how the practical implementation of your theory of government diverges from what you tell the world you are doing, and then they will use their knowledge of history, philosophy, and human nature to show that the theory you hold so dear is illogical and inconsistent, that things will never turn out the way you promise and in the end the people will have suffered terribly just to replace one set of despotic rulers with another.
He welcomed the revolution in Russia and supported its efforts to transform humankind. Then he spent a month in Russia in as part of a British delegation and saw what was actually going on. He had a private hour long conversation with Lenin, who spoke passable English, and he saw Trotsky but did not speak to him individually.
However, Russell also managed to slip away from his state minders and talk to people on the street, and on train trips he paid close attention to what he saw of the farms and factories he passed.
He could see it was going to end badly, and in produced this short book, The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism. It is less than 90 pages long, but is an amazing work. Written in a clear, non-polemical style, it is the best short introduction to communism in theory and practice that I have ever read. Russell will make an observation, describe its significance to the building of the new state, use history and an understanding of Marxist theory to explain what led to it and what will be its likely results, and then extrapolate from there to its long term effects on politics, the economy, education, or international relations.
Russell was a philosopher, and reading this book reminded of reading Plato, where each assertion leads to discussion, concurrence, and further discussion, as the reader is swept up and carried deeper and deeper into the conversation. Russell remained a Communist after his visit to Russia, but he stopped being a Bolshevik. He made a distinction between Communism as a philosophy of justice, equality, and world peace, and Bolshevism, the specifically Leninist application of Communism in Russia.
He recognized that circumstances had forced the Bolsheviks to centralize power and behave ruthlessly; they had taken over a starving, defeated country, the economy was a shambles, civil war was raging, hostile countries had troops on their soil, and the vast majority of the Russian people were opposed to them. This was not a time for halfway measures, but he knew that once men get a taste for power and its emoluments they do not willingly give it up.
If Communism were more complete, it would not necessarily mean more freedom; there would still be certain officials in control of the food supply, and these officials could govern as they pleased so long as they retained the support of the soldiers.
This is not mere theory: it is the patent lesson of the present condition of Russia. The Bolshevik theory is that a small minority are to seize power, and are to hold it until Communism is accepted practically universally, which, they admit, may take a long time.
But power is sweet, and few men surrender it voluntarily. It is especially sweet to those who have the habit of it, and the habit becomes most ingrained in those who have governed by bayonets, without popular support. Is it not almost inevitable that men placed as the Bolsheviks are placed in Russia, and as they maintain that the Communists must place themselves wherever the social revolution succeeds, will be loath to relinquish their monopoly of power, and will find reasons for remaining until some new revolution ousts them?
War and revolutions make men hard, but the uncompromising ruthlessness of the Bolsheviks appalled and disgusted him. Hatred of enemies is easier and more intense than love of friends.
But from men who are more anxious to injure opponents than to benefit the world at large no great good is to be expected. Russell recognized that once this power was unleashed, it could not be restrained, and would have terrible results.
Marx has taught that Communism is fatally predestined to come about; this fits in with the Oriental traits in the Russian character, and produces a state of mind not unlike that of the early successors of Mahomet. Opposition is crushed without mercy. Power corrupts. The corruption is not just moral but intellectual as well.
Communism, like religion, demands absolute submission to its beliefs. Questioning those beliefs marks one as unreliable, dangerous, and perhaps an enemy of the people. The country come to resemble an immensely magnified Jesuit College. Every kind of liberty is banned as being 'bourgeois'; but it remains a fact that intelligence languishes where thought is not free.
Even if all the doctrines of Bolshevism were true, this would still be the case, since no unbiased examination of them is tolerated. One who believes, as I do, that the free intellect is the chief engine of human progress, cannot but be fundamentally opposed to Bolshevism, as much as to the Church of Rome. I fear this is a delusion.
I do not believe any one evil can be thus isolated, but if I had to select one as the greatest of political evils, I should select inequality of power. And I should deny that this is likely to be cured by the class-war and the dictatorship of the Communist party.
Only peace and a long period of gradual improvement can bring it about. He does not believe that, short of war and societal breakdown, it could ever be achieved by the means Lenin was using. No conceivable system of free election would give majorities to the Communists, either in town or country. Various methods are therefore adopted for giving the victory to the Government candidates. In the first place, the voting is by a show of hands, so that all who vote against the Government are marked men.
In the second place, no candidate who is not a Communist can have any printing done, the printing works being in the hands of the State. In the third place, he cannot address any meetings, because the halls all belong to the State.
Those willing to destroy society to build up a new one may find that they have destroyed the means of creating anything new. Abandonment of law, when it becomes widespread, lets loose the wild beast, and gives a free rein to the primitive lusts and egoisms which civilization in some degree curbs.
Every student of mediaeval though must have been struck by the extraordinarily high value placed upon law in this period. The reason was that, in countries infested by robber barons, law was the first requisite of progress. We, in the modern world, take it for granted that most people will be law-abiding, and we hardly recognize what centuries of effort have gone to making such an assumption possible. We forget how many of the good things that we unquestionably expect would disappear out of life if murder, rape, and robbery with violence became common.
He looks for a different path. And I believe that while some forms of Socialism are immeasurably better than capitalism, other are even worse. Among those that are worse I reckon the form which is being achieved in Russia, not only in itself, but as a more insuperable barrier to further progress. With economic power will come political power, which will help democratize society more generally.
The possessors of capital wield an influence quite out of proportion to their numbers or their services to the community. They control almost the whole of education and the press; they decide what the average man shall know or not know. To date, Socialism has not been a great success where it has been tried, leading to much greater inefficiencies than bottom-line focused capitalism, but he should not be criticized for what he could not foresee.
Better to hold to a vision of what is possible than sink into despair and expect nothing but a future even worse than the present.
At the age of three he was left an orphan. His father had wished him to be brought up as an agnostic; to avoid this he was made a ward of Court, and brought up by his grandmother. Instead of being sent to school he was taught by governesses and tutors, and thus acquired a perfect knowledge of French and German. In he went into residence at Trinity College, Cambridge, and after being a very high Wrangler and obtaining a First Class with distinction in philosophy he was elected a fellow of his college in After spending some months in Berlin studying social democracy, they went to live near Haslemere, where he devoted his time to the study of philosophy.
Aspects of philosopher, mathematician and social activist Bertrand Russell 's views on society changed over nearly 80 years of prolific writing, beginning with his early work in , until his death in February Political and social activism occupied much of Russell's time for most of his long life, which makes his prodigious and seminal writing on a wide range of technical and non-technical subjects all the more remarkable. Russell remained politically active to the end of his life, writing to and exhorting world leaders and lending his name to various causes. Some maintain that during his last few years he gave his youthful followers too much license and that they used his name for some outlandish purposes that a more attentive Russell would not have approved. There is evidence to show that he became aware of this when he fired his private secretary, Ralph Schoenman , then a young firebrand of the radical left.
Although he later feigned a lack of concern, at the time he was disgusted by the brutal Soviet response, and on 16 November , he expressed approval for a declaration of support for Hungarian scholars which Michael Polanyi had cabled to the Soviet embassy in London twelve days previously, shortly after Soviet troops had already entered Budapest. Gilbert Ryle refused to have the book reviewed in the philosophical journal Mind, which caused Russell to respond via The Times. Conrad, Russell's son by Spence, did not see his father between the time of the divorce and at which time his decision to meet his father caused a permanent breach with his mother. In regard to the Christian God, I should, I think, take exactly the same line. He is widely held to be one of the 20th century's premier logicians. He agreed to this
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Но, сеньор, она занята с клиентом. - Это очень важно, - извиняющимся тоном сказал Беккер. Вопрос национальной безопасности. Консьерж покачал головой: - Невозможно.
Очевидно, он ошибался. Девушка обвила его руками. - Это лето было такое ужасное, - говорила она, чуть не плача.
Джабба схватил калькулятор и начал нажимать кнопки. - А что это за звездочка? - спросила Сьюзан. - После цифр стоит какая-то звездочка. Джабба ее не слушал, остервенело нажимая на кнопки.
Несколько операторов очумело перебегали от одного терминала к другому, волоча за собой распечатки и отдавая какие-то распоряжения. В помещении царила атмосфера полного хаоса. Сьюзан завороженно смотрела на захватывающую дух технику. Она смутно помнила, что для создания этого центра из земли пришлось извлечь 250 метрических тонн породы. Командный центр главного банка данных располагался на глубине шестидесяти с лишним метров от земной поверхности, что обеспечивало его неуязвимость даже в случае падения вакуумной или водородной бомбы.
Ты должен это сделать! - потребовала она и, отвернувшись, начала что-то печатать на клавиатуре Большого Брата. - Мне нужен список очередности работы на ТРАНСТЕКСТЕ. Если Стратмор обошел фильтры вручную, данный факт будет отражен в распечатке. - Какое отношение это имеет к директорскому кабинету. Мидж повернулась на вращающемся стуле.
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Even those Socialists who are not Bolsheviks for their own country have mostly done very little to help men in appraising the merits or demerits of Bolshevik.ArcГЎngel E. 30.05.2021 at 14:43
Free kindle book and epub digitized and proofread by Project Gutenberg.Rosalina G. 03.06.2021 at 04:03
Bolshevism-Bertrand Russell. The Russian. Revolution is one of the great heroic events of the world's history. It is natural to compare.